To what extent is security a necessary precondition for development?
It is put forward that security is not necessarily a precondition for development, but rather, both concepts of security and development are inextricably linked. With neither one being predominant over the other; rather the influence of both oscillate, dependent upon the individual circumstances within the State or region. In essence, what this answer will aim to illustrate, is the extent of this link, the theories which explain it, and whether or not security underpins development. Before we begin however, it would be prudent to first, define the concepts of ‘security’ and ‘development’.
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Horizontal and Group Inequalities
According to Stewart, three links between development and security exist: First, the influence of security or insecurity on the development process itself, where the former is an objective which the latter aims to achieve. Second, is when insecurity affects unconnected aspects of development and economic growth, where security is an instrument to development, and third, where development impacts upon security; the development instrumental role, and as stated earlier, will be the focus of this particular section.
This link is maintained in three processes. The first is via group motivation and horizontal inequalities. Second, is private motivation; which is a slight modification of the greed and grievance approach, and thus, will be amalgamated within the consideration of the latter, and not considered within this particular analysis. The third and final manifestation of this development instrumental link is where the ‘social contract’ has broken down between the state and its citizens. Each of these elements, it is put forward, lead to a breakdown of security, and thus conflict.
Conflicts related to group motivation arise in situations where there are two distinct groups of people; one agitating for power, and the other looking to cling on to power. For example, the current situation in Syria highlights this group motivation, where the power struggle is concentrated between and divided upon, religious grounds. The Sunni majority agitating for power from what it perceives as the unjust and autocratic Alawite, Baathist minority.
Horizontal inequalities refer to situations where inequalities and grievances emerge within collectives, which could then exacerbate situations and lead to conflict. These inequalities may not necessarily occur within the conflict-affected nation, but can contribute to the situation in any case. Take for example, the situation of the predominantly migrant Muslim communities of continental Europe and Britain, where much of the community faces socio-economic deprivation, political under-representation, discrimination, or an amalgamation of all three. Such resentment and disparity with, and within society, can provide the conditions for conflict, which as stated earlier does not necessarily have to occur within the states where the expatriate communities find themselves in, but in other Muslim-majority states where conflict is pre-existent. Such as, British Muslim fighters in the Syrian Civil War, the suicide bombing in Tel Aviv of 2003 which had been perpetrated by British Muslims of Pakistani origin, and the presence of British Muslims, from a range of cultural backgrounds, within the conflict zones of Kashmir, Chechnya, and Bosnia during the 1990s.
In regards to the third link, the ‘breakdown’ of the social contract, the social contract is characterised by Luckham, as being the situation where “the state guarantees the safety of citizens; and...